SECRETARY BLINKEN: It’s great to see everyone here this afternoon.
In the first year of our administration, we have focused on rebuilding and revitalizing America’s alliances and partnerships, weaving them together as well as into new coalitions of common purpose. As you have all seen, we have re-strengthened our commitment to NATO, the European Union, the United Nations, the G7, ASEAN, the OECD. We raised and strengthened the Quad. We created AUKUS, the US-EU Trade and Technology Council, among many other groups.
The logic here was simple and clear: We are in a fundamentally stronger position to address the issues that actually affect the lives of the American people when we do so together with the many countries that share interests and -our fundamental values.
In the second year, we showed why this was a smart and important investment. Whether we are addressing threats and risks posed by strategic competitors, combating global challenges such as the climate crisis and the pandemic, or seizing opportunities to improve the lives of Americans in tangible ways, our alliances and partnerships ours showed the vital difference.
We have maintained a fairly steady pace of broadening and deepening our engagement around the world, hosting the Summit of the Americas, the US-Africa Leaders Summit, the first Summit of -US and Pacific Island countries, the US-ASEAN Special Summit.
We have drawn enormous strength as well as credibility from unprecedented investments in our economic strength and technological advantage here at home – the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, the CHIPS Act, the Inflation Reduction Act.
Therefore, today, what I wanted to spend a few minutes doing, with your tolerance, is to highlight four of the most consequential areas where diplomacy has performed in 2022.
First, we rallied the world to ensure that Russia’s war on Ukraine is a strategic failure. Since February 24, we have brought together dozens of allies and partners to promote security, economic and humanitarian support to the Ukrainian people as they rise for their country’s democracy, its sovereignty and the -his independence. Our collective support – including now an additional $1.85 billion in US military assistance that the President announced yesterday – has enabled Ukraine’s fighters to go on the counter-offensive, liberate their people, they retake more of their territory.
NATO has never been stronger or more united. The Alliance adopted a new Strategic Concept and added more forces and resources to our collective defense. They doubled the number of battle groups along NATO’s eastern flank. We have increased deployments in the Baltics. We are about to add Finland and Sweden as new members of the Alliance.
We have worked with allies and partners to impose the strongest sanctions and export controls on President Putin and those who have enabled his war of aggression – significantly reducing Russian military access for funds, for goods, for technologies that are critical to the war effort. By any measure, the Russian war machine is in dire straits. The diplomatic leadership of the United States was indispensable in building and maintaining this unity of purpose and also this unity of action. Meanwhile, we brought our diplomatic muscles to bear to isolate Russia in the United Nations and other international organizations, and to reaffirm global support for the core principles of the UN Charter that President Putin is trying to dismantle.
Now, we know that Ukrainians have a tough winter ahead, as President Putin pursues his new strategy of trying to freeze Ukrainian men, women, children, elderly people to death. We are working with the G7 and other allies and partners to repair, replace and defend Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, including strengthening its advanced air defense through precision systems such as the battery of Patriot missiles that President Biden announced yesterday.
We are with Ukraine for as long as it takes. That is the message that President Biden delivered personally to President Zelenskyy when he hosted him at the White House. It’s a commitment backed by robust and enthusiastic bipartisan support in Congress, which was on full display last night.
Maintaining that support is crucial, because President Putin still shows no interest in meaningful diplomacy. We agree with President Zelenskyy that diplomacy is the only way to definitively end Russia’s war. Until President Putin changes course, the best way to improve the prospects for a just and lasting peace, to actually advance the prospects for meaningful diplomacy, is to maintain our strong support for Ukraine.
Second, we accelerated strategic convergence with our allies and partners in the People’s Republic of China. This is crucial, because while Russia poses an immediate threat to the free and open international system, the PRC is our only competitor both with the intention of reshaping the international order and, increasingly, the -economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to advance. that objective.
Back in May, I set out our strategy to meet the challenge posed by the PRC: invest in the foundations of our health at home; align with our partners and allies; compete with China so that we can defend our interests and realize our vision for the future. Our diplomacy played a key role in the realization of that strategy.
We have set out an affirmative approach to a free and open Indo-Pacific that draws on the views of many of our partners inside and outside the region, and which in turn has informed their own strategies. Together with the European Union we have strengthened our complementary set of tools on the main challenges posed by the PRC, from economic coercion to human rights. We have deepened our cooperation on investment screening and export controls of sensitive and emerging technologies.
For the first time, NATO’s Strategic Concept committed to addressing the PRC’s systemic challenges to transatlantic security. We have deepened Alliance coordination with Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand, and our other Pacific allies.
We are united in our commitment to preserve peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and continue to raise concerns and take joint action on the PRC’s human rights abuses in Xinjiang and the Tibet, the erosion of freedom of speech and the press in Hong Kong.
Even as we competed vigorously with the PRC, we worked carefully to prevent our competition from turning into conflict. We will continue to manage this relationship responsibly, building on the frank and productive discussion that President Biden and President Xi had in Bali – a conversation that I look forward to advancing when I visit the PRC early next year. And we will continue to pursue cooperation on issues that require the United States and China to work together – for the good of our people, but also for the good of people around the world.
Third, we have mobilized broad-based coalitions to deliver solutions to the shared global challenges that so many of us face, including food security, health, energy and climate, inclusive economic growth – challenges that have a real impact on the lives and livelihoods of the American people, and that we cannot effectively solve alone.
We led the global response to an unprecedented global food security crisis – driven by COVID, climate, and conflict – significantly exacerbated by President Putin’s war.
In 2022 alone, we contributed $11 billion in humanitarian and food security assistance. We hosted a Food Security Ministerial and a summit with the African Union and the European Union to gather the resources needed to save lives immediately, but also to help countries build their own capacity for production resilient and sustainable agriculture.
We have made significant strides in ending the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic – providing nearly $20 billion to the global response, and distributing more than 670 million doses of safe and effective vaccines to more than 115 countries.
We launched and managed the Global Action Plan, which brought together dozens of countries to take action, to strengthen health care systems, to fight misinformation and disinformation.
We have also taken steps to ensure that the world is better prepared to prevent, detect, and respond to future outbreaks. We worked with the G20 to create a new World Bank fund to help countries strengthen their pandemic preparedness. We will train 500,000 health workers over the next five years across our own hemisphere in Latin America. We will invest $4 billion in health workers in Africa by 2025.
On climate, we have leveraged historic investments at home and abroad to accelerate the clean energy transition and adapt to the effects of a warming climate. This is not only our responsibility; we also see it as a once-in-a-generation opportunity to create good-paying jobs for Americans.
We forge new regional partnerships to make our economies more resilient, more sustainable, more prosperous, more inclusive – including the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, whose members represent 40 percent of global GDP, and the Partnership of the Americas for Economic Prosperity.
Together with the G7, we launched the $600 billion Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, or PGII, to develop a transparent, high-standard alternative for infrastructure investment in low- and middle-income countries.
Fourth, we used the power of American diplomacy to advance peace and prevent and mitigate conflict. Together with my counterparts from Israel, Morocco, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Egypt, I took part in the historic Negev Summit to advance integration and normalization in the Middle East .
We have brokered a historic agreement between Israel and Lebanon to resolve their long-standing maritime boundary dispute. We supported African-led talks that led to the cessation of hostilities between Ethiopia and Tigrayan forces. We helped reach a framework agreement to put Sudan back on the path to a civilian-led democracy. We helped secure – and later extend – a truce in the Yemen conflict.
And we brought home Americans unjustly detained by Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Burma, Afghanistan, Haiti, and other countries. We will continue to work every day to bring home wrongfully detained Americans around the world, while taking steps to deter and prevent this despicable practice going forward.
As we look ahead to 2023, we will continue to use all of our diplomatic tools to advance these priorities, and many others – including maintaining our commitment to the people of Afghanistan, particularly those who have supported the US mission there over 20 years, as well as standing up for the rights of women and girls.
We will also be very focused on coordinating international efforts to fight the scourge of fentanyl and other synthetic drugs.
Now, I focused a lot on how we worked with allies and partners in 2022 to confront today’s biggest challenges. But even as we did that, we also took great steps here in this building to ensure that the Department of State is positioned and empowered to meet the challenges of today, and of tomorrow.
We have launched a new Office for Cyberspace and Digital Policy. We have notified Congress of our intent to create a new Bureau on Global Health Security and Diplomacy. We have established a China Chamber to lead the development and coordination of our policy towards the PRC. We expanded our diplomatic presence in the Indo-Pacific, bringing in the largest cohort of Foreign and Civil Service officials in over a decade. And we have made significant strides in attracting and retaining a workforce that reflects one of our nation’s greatest strengths – our diversity.
Before I conclude, I want to acknowledge the “we” behind all the hard-earned progress. This begins with the individuals who make up the Department of State, particularly our Foreign and Civil Service officers, our locally employed staff. They are the ones who have fulfilled this vision – day after day. And not just on the issues I’ve highlighted today, but on every aspect of our foreign policy – we work together with our colleagues from across the US Government, we also work with our foreign partners.
I could not be more proud of my friends. I too could not be more humbled by the opportunity to serve alongside them. To all of them, to their families, whose love and support and sacrifice enable them to provide this service, I just want to say thank you.
I also want to thank Congress for its partnership. By our count, the department had more than 3,200 briefings, meetings and calls with Congress over the past year. I have personally participated in over 60 of those.
I am especially grateful to the members of both parties who worked with us to confirm 91 nominees this year – a number we hope to add to in the coming weeks. Because when we have our team in the field, we deliver.
Finally, I would like to thank all of you, the members of our press corps. The work you do is indispensable for our democracy. And while it’s not always easy to answer your questions, the accurate information you provide is a public good. It is as basic and simple as that. It helps our citizens understand the forces that are shaping their lives. It empowers them to engage meaningfully in their communities, in their country, in the world. It’s one of the reasons we fight so hard for free and independent media around the world, and that’s why I’m so grateful to you for the work you do.
When I first started in this job, many people were wondering if America would – or even could – lead the world again. Or, for that matter, whether the world wanted us.
In 2022, I think we answered those questions. We have shown that the United States is ready and able to lead on the fundamental challenges of our time. And countries around the world have shown why they want to be our partners in building a world that is freer, more open, safer and more prosperous.
With that I thank you. I am happy to take any questions.
QUESTION: Thank you, Ned. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Merry Christmas and –
QUESTION: — happy holidays, and I hope the nice weather doesn’t interfere with any travel plans you may have. You – in honor of the new year I have 23 questions. (Laughter.) ?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So your question is the 23rd part. Is that so?
QUESTION: No, no, no. Not even 23 parts. But you will see. So in your 2022 year-end review, you mentioned a number of issues – Russia, China, Afghanistan. You didn’t mention Iran and North Korea, which are – which have been big issues this year and will continue to be, along with those other three. So when you talk about these challenges that we are facing, that you will face in the coming year, you often say that the ball is in their court, that you made a proposal, they have to respond. I’m wondering if there is any – Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, Afghanistan – in which you can see the ball is in your court. In other words, what – is there any of them in which you can see the administration making new initiatives, new or proposing new ideas to solve some of these problems, which are dramatic, to say the least?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Matt, very much. First, I think it is fair to say – to mix a metaphor in an atrocious way – that the ball was in our court and we have been running with it, by which I mean this – brother Russia, Ukraine. From the beginning of this aggression, even before the conflict, we were very clear, including with the Russians, that if they proceed with the aggression we would do three things. We have been working day after day to support Ukraine and unite the world to do the same; we will impose heavy costs on Russia for its actions; we strengthen the Alliance we have to defend us and defend our partners in Europe, NATO.
We have done and continue to do day after day, exactly what we said. And that’s not sitting back and waiting for someone to hit the ball with us. We, every day, with our diplomacy – because these things don’t just happen – make good on those commitments.
With regard to China, one of the things we started to do – and it is established in our strategy, as I said – was both to invest in ourselves, to align with our allies and partners, as well as to compete with vigorous manner where we disagree. And this is exactly what we did and what we continue to do every day. The convergence that we have built, the convergence that is stronger and greater than any time I have seen between the United States and Europe, the United States and Asia, and increasingly countries around the world on how we approach the challenge posed by China – what we are working on every day.
And as I mentioned a few minutes ago, zone by zone, we are more aligned than we were. We are approaching this in similar ways, often the same ways. And again, this is the product of active, proactive and committed American diplomacy.
I can get off the board. The common denominator here is that all these areas we were running with the ball. But it started with something that remains for me fundamental, and that was the decision we took, on the instructions of the President on the first day, to strengthen again, raise energy again, breathe new life, re-engage, and in some cases we reinvent. these alliances and partnerships. The fundamental premise that we have is, one, as you could – and you’ve heard me say this many times, but we have to repeat – one, the world does not organize itself. And if we’re not there – if the United States is not there to lead, to engage, to help organize, then either somebody else is going to do it or nobody’s going to do it – either way, it’s probably not good for us.
But the second, and the side of the same coin, is that virtually all these problems to be solved effectively need other countries in the agreement, they need us to coordinate, to cooperate. There American diplomacy has been playing a key role. Each of these issues – and again, when it comes to other issues that I mentioned – Iran, North Korea, etc. – we were not holding back. We have been struggling, but ultimately other countries have to make decisions about what they will or will not do.
We continue to believe, for example, on Iran’s nuclear program that the best way to deal with this challenge, to deal with this threat is through diplomacy. We were engaged in intense diplomacy. But if Iran is not willing or able to do what is necessary to come back into compliance, well, that is part of the equation as well.
QUESTION: Yes, I want to start on this question of alliances. Because the Biden administration has come under a lot of criticism, including from allies, for its handling of the withdrawal from Afghanistan. I wonder if there were lessons learned that are — that were useful to you in managing these alliances, now in dealing with Russia and China. And then also, briefly, what can the United States do now to support the women of Afghanistan?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So part two first. The decision that we have just heard comes from the Taliban about the denial of opportunities for women to go to universities, for girls to go to school – I think what you have already heard is a round-the-clock condemnation -the world, and not only from us but from my countries – practically every continent, including Muslim countries, which, I think, is, in itself, important and powerful. What they have done is try to condemn Afghan women and girls to a dark future without opportunity. And the bottom line is that no country will be able to succeed, much less succeed, if it denies half of its population the opportunity to contribute.
And to be clear – and we are engaged with other countries on this right now – there will be costs if this is not reversed, if this is not changed. I will not dictate them today, but we will follow them in coordination with allies and partners. And I can also tell you that any prospects that the Taliban seek for improved relations with the world, with the international community, which is something they want and we know they need – this will not happen if they continue on this. course.
More broadly when it comes to Afghanistan, of course, as we said, we have to learn the lessons of Afghanistan during the 20 years of the mission there, as well as the last year. I mean – and if you go back and look at, for example, what the Secretary General of NATO said and others said, our consultation with allies and partners on Afghanistan at the moment were sustained, they were intense , and we took it by force. note everything we heard from allies and partners before the decisions that President Biden made and that we made. Therefore I think that this idea that we hear from some about a lack of consultation is actually not derived from the facts nor from what many of our allies and partners have said.
I’ll say this too: we ended America’s longest war. For the first time in 20 years, Americans will not be coming home from Afghanistan in a body bag or seriously wounded. We have taken more than 120,000 people out of the country. When it comes to Russia’s war against Ukraine, if we were still in Afghanistan, I think it would have made much more complicated the support that we could give and that others were able to give to Ukraine to resist and push. back against Russian aggression. We have heard predictions that leaving Afghanistan will result in a tsunami of Afghan refugees. This, to date, has not happened. We have heard that this will result in more terrorism. This has not happened to date. And on the contrary, we were able to take out one of the main terrorists, Mr. al-Zawahiri.
And so I think putting it all in perspective is very important. You put it in the perspective of 20 years, you put it in the perspective of the last year, you put it in the perspective of what has happened since then – that does not take away from our lasting commitment to make sure that we help those who have helped us in -Afghanistan. It does not detract from our abiding commitment to defend the rights of women and girls, and more broadly the rights of people in Afghanistan. It does not detract from our enduring commitment to help as the main provider of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan. All of that remains very much on our plates as we move forward.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you for doing this, Secretary. I wanted to point out something I said earlier this month about Ukraine. You said that the Biden administration is working to ensure that Ukraine has what it needs to take back its territory that has been seized since February 24. I am wondering if you had a sense in the private discussions with President Zelenskyy yesterday if that is something that Ukraine could agree to as a final state, because it seems to go against what Zelenskyy declared as a just peace.
And then we just heard from John Kirby of the NSC that Biden’s team will work with President Zelenskyy’s team to look at that peace proposal they put forward. I’m wondering what the purpose of that review is. Do you want to put forward a renewed peace plan that has the support of the United States together with Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Okay. Thank you, Kylie, so much. First, what is clear from all our conversations with Ukraine, including yesterday’s conversations between President Biden and President Zelenskyy, is that we have the same goals, the same goals: a free Ukraine , independent, prosperous and democratic, one that shows that the principles of the United Nations Charter are being respected, including on territorial integrity and sovereignty and independence. And that is something that the President repeated yesterday.
We were also very clear that fundamentally these decisions are for the Ukrainians to make. They have to decide where they are going, how they are trying to get there, when they are trying to get there, obviously with our very strong support. So fundamentally, they are the ones who will make these decisions. What we have heard from the Ukrainians in recent months is the intense emphasis on regaining territory in the East and South that was mainly captured since February. That was their focus. But this does not prejudge in any way where this goes, where it stays. Again, these are decisions they have to make.
What we want and what many other countries around the world want is peace, in the end, which, as we said, is just and lasting. And with “only”, one that does not simply ratify another country that seizes by force the territory of another; “permanent” in the sense that we want to make sure that it holds and that we don’t simply put Ukraine in a position where Russia will repeat what it did a month, six months, a year later. All those elements are very important to what we value.
When it comes to the proposal for peace, I think this is important: President Zelenskyy made it clear many times that it will end when it ends through diplomacy, through negotiation, and he put forward some ideas, some principles, some particular issues around. that hopefully the countries can come together to try to advance that proposal. But fundamentally, right now Russia has shown no interest in meaningful diplomacy, in engaging meaningfully to bring this war to an end. As President Biden said, this could happen tomorrow if Putin withdraws his forces, but this will not happen. And failing that, we need to see some significant evidence that Russia is willing to actually negotiate and negotiate, once again, a just and lasting peace. We just didn’t see that.
In our judgment, the best way to actually advance to that day is to sustain our support for Ukraine, to ensure that it does well on the battlefield; to continue to have the support it needs to sustain itself against Russian attack, including against its energy infrastructure; as well as economic support. That is most likely to hasten the day when President Putin comes to the conclusion that what he is involved in is futile and that it is time for genuine negotiation. I think that President Zelenskyy’s proposals are a good start for that. We are talking to countries around about those proposals. They are things that everyone should be able to – in one way or another to encounter them.
QUESTION: But what is the purpose of revising that peace plan that they put forward, and how long will this last?
MR PRICE: Kylie, let’s walk a bit. Humeyra, go ahead.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m sorry, what is…
QUESTION: How long will it take for Biden administration officials to work with Zelenskyy’s team to revise that proposal he put forward?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I don’t want to put a timeline on anything, but I can just tell you that we’re looking at what he put forward. I was just on – I was going to say on the phone – on the video with our G7 partners this morning, and this is one of the things we talked about. So I think countries around the world are looking at this and they’re seeing that, again, Ukrainians want – look, nobody wants peace more than President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine. They are the ones who are suffering from the aggression. But it must be fair and it must be lasting.
QUESTION: Thank you, Ned. Hello, Mr. Secretary. I just want to go to China. So, right now, there is an uncontrolled outbreak of COVID there since the reversal of their “Zero COVID” policy, and many countries, including the United States, have expressed concern about it and said they can help. I just want to download on this. Has the United States in recent weeks or since the reversal of policy offered China to provide them with vaccines? What was their response? And since authorities there have changed the criteria for calculating COVID deaths, how accurate do you find China’s official casualty figures? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: First, let me say this. We need to see China get this outbreak under control for three reasons. First, we don’t want to see people anywhere suffering from COVID. Whether it’s disease, whether it’s death, we want to see it end wherever it’s happening, including in China.
Second, every time the virus is spreading or moving, there is the possibility that a new variant will develop, that variant will spread further, and come and hit us or hit other countries around the world. So we have a clear interest in this.
And then, as we have seen, there are clear implications for the global economy with China being shut down due to COVID.
So on all those levels – a basic humanitarian level, the concern for everyone’s health, as well as for the global economy – it is deeply in our interest that China do what is necessary to advance this. At the same time, it is also very important for all countries, including China, to focus on getting people vaccinated, making testing and treatment available, and, importantly, sharing information with the world about that that they are experiencing – again, because implications not only for China but for the whole world. So we would like to see this happen.
We are the biggest donor of vaccines, as you know. We stand ready to continue supporting people around the world, including in China, with this and other COVID-related health support. China has not asked for that assistance to date, but, again, we are fully prepared to provide assistance to anyone who requests it if they think it is useful.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Secretary, for taking our questions. You have just mentioned now that for the Iranian nuclear agreement, diplomacy is still the best option, while at the same time you are saying that the focus is on the Iranian people who ask or seek their right. How can you – like, what kind of message are you sending to the Iranian people who are being repressed right now? And then the United States is going to an agreement with a government that was the only government outside of Russia that yesterday was mentioned by President Zelenskyy, a few meters away from here, saying that they are carrying out a terrorist action by providing drones. How can you add this to the people of Iran?
And also, what message do you have for the families of Emad Shargi, Morad Tahbaz, Siamak Namazi, and green card holder Shahab Dalili?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So a few things about that. First, I think the world has been very focused on what is happening around Iran. We remain seriously concerned about the Iranian authorities shooting at peaceful demonstrators, notably at women, at children. We saw mass arrests. We have seen sham trials. We saw executions. We have seen the use of sexual violence as a tool to suppress protests. Not only us, the eyes of the world saw this. And these human rights abuses are not going and will not go without consequence.
We have been working since even before – this repression to sanction those who are committed to trying to repress the Iranian people, and just yesterday, I believe, we issued new sanctions, including on the prosecutor general of Iran. At the same time, as you heard me discuss, we were working to try to ensure that Iranians have in their hands the ability to communicate with each other, to remain connected to the outside world. We have been working on this and with partners, with allies, with countries around the world, including in the United Nations, we have worked to continue to hold Iran accountable and condemn it for its actions.
So this is happening. This is still going on. And this is the focus of so many countries around the world. At the same time, we are very focused on the fact that Iran provided UAVs to Russia to carry out its aggression against Ukraine, and in particular, to attack the civilian infrastructure. These Iranian drones are the ones that are being used, among other things, to try to turn off the lights, turn off the heat, turn off the water for the Ukrainians as they enter winter. And we’re putting a spotlight on that and, again, trying to take actions wherever we can to disrupt that, including sanctioning the various UAV networks that Iran is involved in.
Other countries are also focused on this. We shared information at the United Nations about Iran’s actions, which we see as a violation of Resolution 2231 of the UN Security Council. We think it is a clear violation and we are encouraging an investigation of this.
So on all these fronts as well as the many other areas where Iran is engaging in destabilizing activities, dangerous activities, support for terrorist groups, destabilizing actions throughout the region, we have been focused and engaged. This also does not take away from the proposal that it is deeply in our interest that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon. And President Biden is committed to ensuring that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon. We continued to believe that the most effective way, the most lasting way to do this was through diplomacy.
And when the JCPOA, the Iran nuclear deal, was actually enforced, it did exactly what it was designed to do. He put Iran’s nuclear program in a box. It was verified not only by international inspectors, it was verified by our own people, Iran’s compliance with that, including by the previous administration. And in our judgment, it was a grave mistake to pull out of that deal and let Iran’s nuclear program out of the box. But that is the reality that we inherited and that we had to deal with.
So on diplomacy, again, as I said, we think that is the best solution. But despite the efforts we made, even when we were pushing back against Iran’s other actions, despite the efforts we made and our friends in Europe, Iran was not ready or able to do what it is . required to come back into compliance with the agreement. So we will continue to look and act on ways to ensure that, one way or another, Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon.
QUESTION: Sure. Can I ask you about the Middle East, somewhere else in the Middle East? There is a government formation in Israel to – Benjamin Netanyahu will be the prime minister again. You yourself gave a speech to J Street where you mentioned concerns about some potential actions, like annexation, like settlements. You mentioned that you – that you will deal with policies, not personalities. Despite this, some of the personalities in the government called for such measures.
But how will the United States deal with this? Will there be – will you deal with these specific actors in government who may have backgrounds that are problematic? And in terms of the Arab world, through the Abraham Accords – you mentioned the Negev Summit. To what extent can you exploit this to – perhaps to send a message to the new Israeli government?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Okay. So first I want to congratulate Prime Minister Netanyahu for announcing the formation of a new government. The Knesset still has to approve it, as you know, before the formal oath can be given. But we look forward to working with Israel to advance both the interests and values that have long been at the heart of our relationship, and also to promote a broader approach to trying to bring about equal measures of security, of opportunities, of prosperity, of dignity to Israelis and Palestinians alike.
There was no secret about our approach. And once again, I reiterated that in the remarks I made to Triq J just a few weeks ago. And as you noted, what I said at the time, what I repeat now, is that going forward – as in the previous administrations of the past on the Israeli side, on the American side, what administrations did Previous Americans – we will engage with them and judge. our partners in Israel on the basis of the policies they follow, not the personalities who happen to form the government.
I think we have shown over successive Israeli governments and over successive American administrations, precisely because we have a solid partnership and one that is committed to Israel’s security, that we can have very frank conversations when we disagree. That won’t change, either.
QUESTION: May I follow, Ned?
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, happy holidays.
QUESTION: The administration has maintained its stance on diplomacy with North Korea over its missile program even as Pyongyang’s provocations have increased in both frequency and severity. And now the White House has confirmed the transfer of North Korean weapons to the Wagner Group. I’m wondering, what will running with the ball look like in 2023? What is the outlook for the new year? Do you see it as time to change course? And they – when you talk about alliances, do the United States, the Republic of Korea and Japan agree on how to proceed? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: We are not only in close communication and coordination, I think we are in very tight synchronization with the Republic of Korea and with Japan on the approach to North Korea. In fact, I think the alignment has not been stronger in recent years. So we are working together every day.
And when it comes to running with the ball, this is not just a matter of condemning what North Korea has done and continues to do – the flagrant violations of UN Security Council resolutions, the provocative actions, the threat to peace and security – not just sanctioning. these acts, as we continue to do, and bring them to the United Nations, we continue to take actions to strengthen our own defensive and deterrent capabilities and capabilities, including working ever more closely with Japan, with the Korea on exercises, on preparedness, making sure that we and we have the systems in place to deter and ultimately defend against any North Korean aggression. All this is still going on.
And I also note that the sanctions that we have put in place and that we are working to vigorously enforce have placed some restrictions on North Korea’s ability to further advance its missile and nuclear programs. However, they – we – I’m not going to predict or predict where this is going in 2023, except to say that literally every day we are working with our allies and partners to make sure that it’s not just us putting pressure on North Korea to end these practices, but we are making sure that we are putting in place what is necessary to discourage aggression directly against any of our partners, as well as against us, and if necessary defend against it.
Let me add that China plays an important role in this. It has the strongest and deepest relationship of any country in the world with North Korea. I think it is in China’s interest not to see these kinds of provocative actions continue. And we have conversations with China; this is something that President Xi and President Biden talked about. I expect to continue that conversation when I get to China early next year, about what we hope China will do to try to convince North Korea to move in another direction.
We said very clearly, and it remains the case, that we are open to diplomacy without any preconditions. We remain committed to seeing the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. To date, North Korea is not committed on that basis, but it remains a possibility. And I think China can play a role in helping to move things in that direction.
MR PRICE: One final question. Missy.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. The Biden administration has promised to put human rights at the center of its foreign policy, and I understand that I have heard from you and other senior members of the Biden administration that human rights are always part of the conversation but obviously not the only one. concerns when the United States deals with its partners and other – any country. Looking back over the last two years, how well do you think the administration has done in getting the mix right and effectively using American leverage and influence to actually get results when it comes to human rights? And if there are any specific examples of where you think the US has done well or not so well, that would be helpful. Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Sure. As I said, very rightly, first, it’s something that President Biden felt very strongly that he put back in the center of our foreign policy, and that’s what we did. We did this by focusing on human rights abuses. We did this by making other countries to speak, stand up and take action against these abuses. We did this in the actions we took ourselves.
At the same time, once again, as I rightly said, it is at the heart of our foreign policy; it is not the totality of our foreign policy. It is one of the critical elements that we look at and try to move forward, but in any case we have to balance a multiplicity of interests. And at the same time, we have to make judgments about what is ultimately the most effective way to try to advance our commitment to human rights. And most of it, as with most things we do, is not like flipping a light switch. Much of this is changing an aircraft carrier, and it takes time and requires relentless effort.
I mentioned earlier that we have greater convergence than I have seen in my experience with our closest allies and partners in Europe, as well as in Asia, on China. I think you see it play out, for example, when it comes to the human rights abuses that are being committed by China, whether in Xinjiang, in Tibet, in other places, including for example in the growing convergence on the -export controls are not the only ones that go to the most. sensitive technologies that can help China advance its military capability, but also technology that can be used for people surveillance and other tools of repression against the rights of minorities and others in China.
The same thing in a number of other countries. In the same way, we have taken steps – and others have taken steps with us – to try to help ensure that products that are made with forced labor in my country do not enter our country or other countries.
There are many places where we have seen human rights abuses committed in the context of larger conflicts. One way to ensure that we are actually getting to the protection of human rights and the end of abuse is to try to resolve those conflicts. Yemen is an example of a place where we have invested heavily in support of diplomacy to try to end the conflict. And for all the fragility, we had a ceasefire that was extended. And even though it has now not been formally extended once more, in practice it is holding. That’s a lot of humanitarian aid to get to the people. I also see, I think, a reduction in abuses committed against civilians.
Likewise in Ethiopia, where we worked in close partnership with African countries, including the African Union, but also including countries like Kenya, the practical effect of having a cessation of hostilities, of bringing arms calm, to bring humanitarian aid to Tigray was also to reduce, if not eliminate, the human rights abuses that were taking place as the conflict was unfolding. And we are focused now on making sure that we can get independent human rights monitors in Tigray to verify that there are no atrocities going on, even if we are looking for accountability for what has already happened.
In Ukraine, where we see human rights abuses committed almost daily by Russian forces, we have put a strong focus on this. Not only have we focused on it, we have been working overtime to help gather evidence and gather information of these abuses. We are engaged across the international community, whether it’s with the UN, whether it’s with the International Criminal Court, whether it’s looking at other mechanisms to ensure that not only that information and evidence is collected, but that ultimately -last. there will be accountability for these human rights abuses. And this is one way, as we put attention on it, to discourage it.
So I think there are many other places where, in one way or another, the combination of focusing on something, taking concrete action, getting others to do the same is making a difference. But the reality, of course, is that we continue to see abusive practices in many places. We will be relentless in trying to stop it, to put the spotlight on it. And there is no one-size-fits-all approach. We are looking at each case, each instance, each place in its own terms, trying to make judgments each time about how we can actually be the most effective in bringing these abuses to an end.
Thank you. Thank you, everyone.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I really hope that everyone takes a break, has time with family, with friends, and that we see you with full energy in 2023. Looking forward to seeing you then. Thank you.
How much does a Supreme Court judge make a year?
| From January 2022 | |
|---|---|
| House/Senate Members & Delegates | $174,000 |
| Chief Justice, Supreme Court | $277,700 |
| Associate Justices, Supreme Court | $265,600 |
| From January 2019 |
Are Supreme Court justices paid after they retire? (b) Any judge of the Supreme Court or judge of the Court of Appeal who has attained the age of 65 years, and who has served as a judge or judge, or both, in the Appellate Division for 12- the consecutive year can retire and receive for life compensation equal to two thirds of the total annual compensation, including…
Do federal judges get paid for life?
Any justice or judge of the United States appointed to hold office during good behavior may retire from office after attaining the age and satisfying the service requirements, whether continuous or not, of subsection (c) and he shall, during the remainder of his life, receive an annuity equal to the salary which he…
Can Supreme Court justices make extra money?
Supreme Court justices are limited in how much outside income they can earn while on the bench. See the article : “Senile” Joe Biden brings shame to America. Ethics rules prevent them from earning more than about $30,000 a year in outside income, but book earnings do not fall under this limit.
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Secretary and Senior Officials The Secretary oversees the activities of the Treasury Department in carrying out its core law enforcement responsibilities; in service as the financial agent for the United States Government; and in the manufacture of coins and currency. Read also : G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the Execution of the Myanmar Military Junta – United States Department of State.
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Where does Secretary of State work?
Today, the secretary of state works out of the State Department headquarters in the Foggy Bottom neighborhood of Washington, DC. On the same subject : Executive Order Implementing the Energy and Infrastructure Cost Reduction Act of 2022..
Is Secretary of State higher than Vice President?
As the highest-ranking member of the cabinet, the secretary of state is the third-highest-ranking official of the executive branch of the United States federal government, after the president and vice president, and is the fourth in line to succeed the presidency, after the vice. president, the speaker of the House of Representatives, and…
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Like lieutenant governors in other states, the Secretary of State is first in line to succeed the governor in the event of death, resignation, or removal from office. The office’s highest profile duty is the oversight and administration of safe and accurate elections.
Who is 4th in line for president?
If the President were to resign or die, the Secretary of State would be fourth in the line of succession after the Vice President, the Speaker of the House, and the President pro tempore of the Senate.
