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For the first four decades of his life, the man who would soon become the world’s greatest collector of the Parisian avant-garde knew surprisingly little about modern art. Not only had John Quinn never met Picasso, he had never seen the French paintings of the last half century at all. For several generations, artists in the French capital have been leading one of the greatest revolutions in Western history.

But Quinn had not taken up the work of their 19th-century predecessors, the Impressionists. In his only visit to France, a quick, one-day crossing of the Channel during a busy trip to London, all he managed to do was spend an hour at Chartres Cathedral, which he found oppressive. In fact, he didn’t seem to know that Paris was there.

This blind spot does not come from a lack of will or desire. It’s different. By the time of the 291 show, Quinn’s reputation as an art enthusiast and literary maven had grown on both sides of the Atlantic. In New York, he was admired for his legal mind, his discipline, and his deep connections in the financial and political worlds; In the spring of the Picasso show, the Democratic Party briefly considered recruiting him to run for the U.S. Senate. In London and Dublin, where he seemed to be on close terms with all the new writers and poets, he was known as a well-informed Yankee who had an unprecedented ability to wink at a scholar—and bring it to the United States.

It was Quinn who had inspired the Irish poet W.B. Yeats reading Nietzsche; Quinn who worked as an informal talent scout for a young New York publisher named Alfred Knopf, introducing him to a continuum of contemporary writers that would eventually include Conrad, Eliot, Joyce, and Pound, among many others. In his social circle, Quinn read President Theodore Roosevelt and Judge Learned Hand, but also Ashcan School painter John Sloan and British actress Florence Farr Emery. As a young man he had stood behind Grover Cleveland at his inauguration; in London he had met a revolutionary politician named Winston Churchill.

But there was nothing in Quinn’s expansive orbit that connected him to the epicenter of the artistic revolution in Europe.

And there was his power. He regularly put in 14 days and 15 hours for his law practice, preceded by early morning horseback rides in Central Park and followed by dinners with critics, preachers, judges, and other friends several nights a week. Vowing marriage as unpleasant and troublesome, he had a series of female companions, who often found him irresistibly attractive and equally irresistible. (“You made me live, and yet…? My heart is breaking,” May Morris, the lovely daughter of the late Victorian architect William Morris, wrote to Quinn, during the Picasso show.)

Nowhere did he express his thoughts more than in the large letters he kept with a group of writers, publishers, judges, politicians, and other successful and powerful people, among them members of the Yeats family, the novelist Joseph Conrad, the Irish playwright. (and Quinn’s former lover) Lady Gregory, critic George Russell, and future Irish president Douglas Hyde.

Sitting at his dining room table on Sunday afternoons, Quinn would call up to three writers, whom he wanted to write letters at once, some of them running to fifteen or twenty pages or more. (To improve efficiency, he created some paragraphs—describing a book he had read, a speech, or his thoughts on a particular event or international problem—that he could write in letters to multiple writers.)

Of all the things he did, perhaps the most remarkable was his habit of reading plays, which he did in the middle of the night, or in the train cars to and from meetings in Washington. Heine, Carlyle, Santayana, Lafcadio Hearn; French novels, German philosophy, Irish plays, Indian poetry. The Times, The Mass, The Gaelic American, The English Review. In the age of magazines abounding, he read them all, and devoured books at the rate of nearly a thousand a year, from many of which he could take word for word. In later years, when TS Eliot sent him a copy of “The Waste Land,” he memorized it by having Jeanne Foster read it to him while he shaved. “It’s amazing how often my mind gets tired,” Quinn said to a friend a few months before seeing the Picassos at 291. “My body sometimes gets tired.”

He was known as the most experienced Yankee who had the most advanced sniffing skills – and brought them to the United States.

But there was nothing in Quinn’s expansive orbit that connected him to the epicenter of the artistic revolution in Europe. At the Metropolitan Museum, New York’s only public art gallery, it was difficult to find any important French painting more recent than the late eighteenth century. The banks and insurance magnates with whom Quinn worked had a taste that ran into the Renaissance and medieval times. And while he continued to connect with the majority of writers and intellectuals in Britain and Ireland, they did not know Montmartre as he did.

In many ways, it was surprising that Quinn had made it to Wall Street. Born in 1870, he grew up in a immigrant family in a small Ohio town. Both parents had survived the potato famine in Ireland; his mother had come as an orphan of fourteen years, and a few years later she married his father, who made a bakery. Of the eight children, only Quinn and two sisters survived to adulthood.

But Quinn was not like the other children. His childhood ambitions were Helen of Troy, whose ungodly beauty had driven men to war, and Buffalo Bill, the legendary conqueror of the West. Under the influence of his inquisitive mother, he also began spending money on novels written by Thomas Hardy and other modern European writers, which he kept on the living room floor – an unusual practice for the son of a cook in the 19th century American hinterland. . In high school, he volunteered to run Ohio’s political campaign for Congress.

He also made a large bet in the 1888 presidential election, which he lost. He had already begun to develop ideological interests in culture and politics which, along with a tendency to see the world as a series of battles to be fought and won, would define his later goal in what he called “modern warfare.”

At the same time, his quick wit and remarkable self-control—aided by a slim six-foot-one body and a lithe frame—marked him as a man with places to go. During his matric year at the University of Michigan, he was hired to come to Washington as a private secretary to Charles Foster, the former governor of Ohio who had just been appointed U.S. Treasury Secretary and President Benjamin Harrison. Struck by Quinn’s prowess, Secretary Foster hoped his protégé would return to Ohio politics and marry his daughter Annie—the first in a series of attractive hopes that Quinn would reject.

From the beginning, it was literature and politics that interested him, and he was disappointed by the attention he received in New York.

While working at the Treasury, Quinn spent nights completing a law degree at Georgetown and reading Eckermann’s Conversations with Goethe. Attending Harvard Law School, he earned a master’s degree, finding time along the way to study philosophy with William James and aesthetics with George Santayana. By the time he started as a financial lawyer in New York, it was already clear that the legal profession would not be able to accommodate his restless mind.

From the beginning, it was literature and politics that interested him, and he was disappointed by the attention he received in New York. Realizing his Irish origins, he was influenced by the literary revival taking place in Dublin, where a group of writers and intellectuals had planned to restore the Irish world in prose, drama, language, and ideas.

Going to Britain and Ireland in 1902, when the movement was growing, he met WB Yeats and Lady Gregory, who wrote the modern stage play Cathleen ni Houlihan, based on the Irish rebellion against British rule in 1798, which encouraged the audience to see. crazy (Years later, after the Irish leaders of the Easter Rising of 1916 were killed by the British, Yeats in his poem “The Man and the Echo” was still recalling Cathleen’s reaction: “Did this game of mine send / Some men to the English shot?”) As Quinn quickly caught on, books that could change people’s minds.That was the power he wanted to use in the United States.

The following year, he brought Yeats to New York, determined to introduce him to America. At the time Yeats was an obscure foreign poet who had not been published in the United States, but through an extraordinary advertising campaign and a month-long, national lecture tour, Quinn was able to turn him into a national celebrity. (One of Quinn’s techniques was to plant stories about Yeats in local newspapers before each lecture, thus guaranteeing large audiences.)

In addition to setting up more than 60 lectures, including engagements at Harvard, Yale, and Carnegie Hall, Quinn arranged for Yeats to have lunch at the White House, and by the end of the trip, his works were being championed by many. leading preachers in the world. It was a formula that Quinn would rely on often over the next decade, as he helped bring a succession of writers, playwrights, and politicians from Dublin and London to the United States. On a visit to Ireland in 1907, Francis Hackett, editor of the Chicago Evening Post, was impressed by the stories he heard about the New York lawyer and his advertising talents. “I foresee a John Quinn Legend,” he wrote.

As Quinn quickly grasped, books could change people’s minds. It was the power he wanted to use in the United States.

By the time he came face to face with Picasso’s paintings at Stieglitz’s gallery, Quinn was already one of the first to bring new ideas from England and Ireland to the United States. He was also known for his support of new art in New York, including the work of The Eight, a group of artists who tried to free American painting from the tired traditions of academia and capture the negative experiences of modern urban life. And yet, when it came to Picasso and the Paris avant-garde, he was more unprepared than anyone else.

Today, it is hard to understand how difficult it was for New Yorkers to enter a room full of Picasso’s Cubist figures. Guided by centuries of figurative art, they saw his heads greatly softened as “Alaskan totem poles”; his use of cones and cubes to capture multiple points at the same time as an “outbreak of restless thoughts.” Quinn was so drooling over the pictures that, when he described them to a friend later, he referred to them as “studies (?)” as if he couldn’t really think of them as actual works of art.

And yet the lessons he took from this experience were difficult: Here was an artist who was doing something new and had a desire to be defiant. Agreeing with his British friend’s opinion, Quinn wrote, “I don’t think Picasso expects public approval for a while.” There was an admirable courage to what the artist was doing, even if the work was driving him away.

In offering the first glimpse of a new frontier in modern art, Picasso’s exhibition at 291 was subversive. If its purpose was to establish American interest in Cubism, however, it was a colossal failure. In hopes of attracting aspiring collectors, Stieglitz had sold the drawings at $12. Yet even after extending the exhibition for several weeks, he had managed to sell only one of the eighty-three works in the exhibition, the best of the group. Despite the low prices and his previously expressed interest, Quinn refused to get any of them.

Saddled with a large number of unsold paintings, Stieglitz was desperate. After telling Picasso shortly after the opening that the show was “a great success,” he was in the embarrassing position of bringing almost all the works back to Paris. In the end, he decided to buy himself the magnificent Standing Woman in the Muslin, a “fire escape” painting. He then approached the Metropolitan Museum with a bold request: Would the museum be willing to acquire the entire remaining set of Picasso paintings for $2,000?

In retrospect, it was an amazing opportunity. Here, in the same group of works, was the story of the development of Cubism between 1906 and 1911, a time when Picasso had pushed forward one of the biggest changes in artistic practice in five centuries. At that time, the great museum was the richest design in the world and the price would not have registered. This was the same year that Henry Clay Frick paid $475,000 for Velázquez’s Philip IV and Peter Widener spent half a million dollars on Rembrandt’s The Mill. The 81 Picasso drawings would not have even covered the dealer’s commission on those sales.

But there was no chance. When Stieglitz made his gift to Bryson Burroughs, the Met’s art curator, Burroughs could not hide his excitement. “Such crazy pictures,” he told him, “will never mean anything to America.”

___________________________________________

Excerpted from Picasso’s War: How Modern Art Came to America by Hugh Eakin. Copyright © 2022. Available from Crown Publishing Group, an imprint of Random House, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC.

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