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The annulment of women’s right to abortion by the Supreme Court on Friday was a legal, political and social lightning that deserves excessive use of the term “historic” because it will change lives in many ways, many still unknown.

But despite being shocking, especially because it goes against the majority of public opinion on the issue, it was no surprise. The ruling was the result of a surprisingly successful generational search by the Conservative movement at all political levels, from grassroots social and religious activists to the founding leaders of a right-wing legal establishment to successive Republican presidents.

Democrats working in phases of disbelief, anger and pain on Friday vowed to fight. But its mission, like that of its conservative victors, could last for decades or even longer in pursuit of a distant goal.

“Make no mistake: this decision is the culmination of a deliberate effort for decades to upset the balance of our law. It is the realization of an extreme ideology and a tragic error by the Supreme Court,” said President Joe Biden . But he added: “This is not over.”

Another top Democrat, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, said she was “spitting crazy.”

“We have tools. We’ll use them in November. We’ll make sure we elect enough people who believe in democracy so we can pass Roe v. Wade and turn it back into the law of the land,” he told CNN. “Only this time we will do it by law and enforce it.”

But the generational nature of the coming struggle means that it is unlikely that septuagenarians like Biden and Warren will win it.

The prospects for an immediate political retort are also unlikely, given the current political problems of Democrats. If the outpouring of liberal emotion is to unite in an opposition movement to restore abortion rights, it will take the same level of multi-decade dedication that conservatives show. It will call for a network of political groups pushing all in the same direction and for national politicians with the talent to get voters on the issue to use their time in office to build an effective competitive legal and political structure to push for change. And it will have to start as a backward action after an impressive defeat as several conservative states pass or implement flash laws to ban abortion for millions of women.

Abortion is a deeply personal issue for many Americans that involves choices about when life begins and a person’s rights to make a decision about their own body. It becomes a sensitive and divisive political issue when it comes to questions about whether and how the government can dictate these moral and legal issues and what the Constitution allows.

Thus, just as liberals may be recently fired, the anti-abortion movement will not rest. Some activists are already struggling to choose a Republican-led Congress and president that would ban abortion not only in conservative states but also in blue states that immediately vowed on Friday to protect women’s right to choose. And while Biden may say Republican extremists and liberals complain about Republican presidents failing to win the popular vote, it seems the Conservative movement is mobilizing to use the American political system to preserve its victory as they are. the Democrats to try to overturn it.

Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell, who did as much as any Republican leader to transform the Supreme Court, praised the years of conservative campaigning that had led to Friday’s decision.

“Millions of Americans have spent half a century praying, marching, and working for today’s historic victories for the rule of law and for the innocent life. I have been proud to be with them throughout our long journey and I share the its joy today, ”Kentucky said. said Republican.

Arkansas Republican Gov. Asa Hutchinson tweeted, “… now we can protect life.”

A cascade of consequences

Friday’s victory was so total for the Conservatives and it will be so difficult for Democrats to reverse it not only because of its immediate legal consequence, but also because of the cascade of effects it will trigger, some not even related to abortion. See the article : How the end of Roe could be pivotal in the midterms.

Anti-abortion activists are celebrating not only millions of potential future pregnancies that will take place, but also a profound turn in the country’s policies, which will change what it means to live in the United States for both men and women.

But at the same time, tens of millions of women went to bed on Friday evening with less constitutional right than they had awakened. As conservative states begin to completely ban abortion, the registration of Americans ’rights will depend on where they live or conceive. Apparently, for the first time in the country’s historic march, the Supreme Court has withdrawn a previously enshrined constitutional right. The clearly literal reading of the Constitution by the court’s conservative majority in this case, as well as other judicial manufacturers on weapons and religion this week, marks an era of social unrest.

If one constitutional right can be eliminated, why not the others? Already, and despite the assurances of several court conservatives, same-sex marriage, contraceptives, and even in vitro fertilization treatments are beginning to seem more vulnerable.

This week’s rulings on abortion and guns have consolidated the court’s new conservative majority as a surprisingly powerful force in American life, with the audacity to make a far-reaching change. Since this disorder comes from a bank of deeply religious conservatives, it is sure to trigger clashes with more secular and diverse sectors of society. These factors, and recent court opinions that conflict with majority public opinion, make the vicious ideological division of the United States certain to deepen. But judges are isolated from politics with lifelong appointments.

A win for Trump and McConnell

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A triumph for Trump and McConnell

If not yet, Friday consolidated Donald Trump’s presidency, which helped tilt the court to the right, as one of profound and historic consequences. To see also : Texas nurses worried about women’s health care in the post -Roe era. He validated the marriage of convenience between the ethically challenged former president and evangelicals and social conservatives, which was rooted in the promise to appoint anti-abortion judges.

And it confirms McConnell, whose controversial maneuvers paved the way for the Conservative majority, as one of the most significant political figures of all time. The work of Trump and McConnell, in the form of three relatively young judges, will change the face of America for a long time after they have disappeared. The nature of the Senate, which allows Republicans to wield considerable power even though they represent far fewer people in more rural states, will make it difficult for Democrats to turn majority opinion into a law codifying Roe vs. Wade.

In the short term, Friday’s decision could influence the November midterm elections, which House Speaker Nancy Pelosi promised to activate the abortion decision. But with voters hit by high inflation and record gasoline prices, they may be focused on more pressing economic concerns, especially in places where Democrats need to make a profit to keep their majorities tight.

The new reality about abortion will surely add even more intensity to the 2024 presidential campaign with Democrats in the face of the possibility of a Republican monopoly in power.

And just as they were in the pandemic, state governors and legislators will become vital actors in a frighteningly divisive national issue, as some hastily pass laws to ban the right to end a pregnancy and others struggle to preserve it. . There are likely to be disputes over state power to prevent abortion-seeking residents from traveling to states where the procedure is still allowed.

Large companies are about to become involved in a fight for employee rights that could affect the locations of their headquarters and will require companies to consider how to tackle the new health enigma. The Conservative majority suggested in its view that returning abortion to states to decide will let democracy resolve it. But nothing in the polarized state of American politics suggests that this is more than an illusion. Abortion is likely to lead more to an already torn nation toward self-alienation.

A historic campaign to change America

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A historic campaign to change America

In many ways, the tumultuous events of Friday were the right answer to an almost as epic summer week seven years ago, when the court seemed to begin a period of liberal ancestry by saving the Economic Care Act and ruling that the same-sex marriage was constitutional. See the article : ICYMI: State Commissioner of Health Dr. Mary T. Bassett’s Op-Ed in Elle Magazine: If I Were Not Pregnant, I Would Not Be New York Health Commissioner. Those intoxicating days, however, helped provoke a backlash that led to Trump’s presidency and ultimately to this week’s momentous views.

But the genesis of this time came much earlier, beginning to be built shortly after the decision Roe v. Wade of 1973 which the court has just overturned. A network of alliances and intertwined campaigns was needed between religious conservatives, activist groups, fundraisers, grassroots legislators, religious leaders, anti-abortion protesters, national political leaders, radio announcers, right-wing media figures, and Republican presidents for decades. fruiting. It involved years of confirmations that turned the federal judiciary to the right, then de facto alliances between conservative jurists and state politicians to bring cases that weakened and eventually ended the federal right to abortion through of the courts.

And he needed the candidates for the Supreme Court to deceive the Senate confirmation hearings, with a wink and a settlement, about his opposition to overturning the precedent to create the majority in the Supreme Court chamber with pillars of marble that would finish the job.

The movement was especially energized by the conservative renaissance that President Ronald Reagan designed. As governor of California, he had signed a law that allowed some exceptions to abortion, but changed his mind after a long period of soul searching and after finding an opening to use the subject to electrify the abortion. conservative movement. In February 1984, Reagan wrote in his diary about a conversation with a woman in Peoria, Illinois, who had broken up with Republicans over her position on the subject.

“I said there were 2 rights of people involved in abortion: that of the mother and the child to be born,” Reagan wrote, explaining a message that strengthened the mission even after his death.

The next Republican president, George H.W. Bush, appointed Judge Clarence Thomas, who waited silently for decades on the bench for his hard-line conservative jurisprudence to dominate the court. He posted a concurring opinion on Friday that was called a rallying call for activists and conservative states to question other precedents, on same-sex marriage and contraception.

President Bill Clinton kept the Conservatives in check for eight years and her candidate, Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg, became an icon of women’s rights during her long term. But his death in 2020, while Trump was in the White House, paved the way for the consolidation of the 5-4 Conservative majority that toppled Roe on Friday.

The next president, George W. Bush, made his mark on an abortion earthquake still 17 years in the future with the nomination of Judge Samuel Alito, who wrote the majority opinion on Friday.

Obama’s presidency was blocked by then-Majority Majority Leader McConnell’s last presidential candidate, Merrick Garland (now Biden’s attorney general), which allowed the newly elected Trump to elevate another member of the House. majority Friday, Judge Neil Gorsuch. And then McConnell reversed his rule hastily created against the confirmation of judges before the election, which he had used to keep Garland out of court, to install another anti-abortion justice on Amy Coney Barrett days before Trump lost in 2020. Without his efforts, the fifth The vote to reverse Roe would not have existed, as Chief Justice John Roberts, while opposed to abortion, indicated his support for a less radical course.

All of these are fateful presidential decisions and congressional battles fought for decades. They’re a testament to what Democrats face if they want to reverse Friday’s decision and the era of conservative jurisprudence to come. Their long journey will be complicated by the fact that Gorsuch, Barrett and Judge Brett Kavanaugh are only 50 years old and plan to have years of service in court to further consolidate Friday’s sentence.

Meanwhile, for abortion rights activists, the upcoming presidential election has just become even more critical and will see if complacency among liberals about the alleged inviolability of the right to end a pregnancy will begin to change.

Almost every Republican campaign, up and down the polls, has long included a push to end abortion. The issue was a unifying force in Republican politics, as activists drove toward the single, distant goal that was achieved on Friday.

Democrats have yet to show that they have the discipline, organizational capacity, or rising political stars to organize a similar struggle.

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