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Sanctions have always been a weapon of choice for the United States. The Biden administration’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a case in point: it immediately imposed economic sanctions on Moscow and encouraged other governments to do the same. That sanctions are a popular tool of US policymakers makes sense. They fill the space between the empty declarations of diplomats and the deadly intervention of the military. Yet the golden days of US sanctions may soon be over.

As Washington has become increasingly reliant on sanctions, many hostile countries have begun tightening their economies against such measures. Three events in the past decade convinced them to do so. In 2012, the United States cut Iran off from SWIFT, the global messaging service that enables international payments, in an effort to isolate the country financially. Some US enemies have taken notice, wondering if they might be next. Then, in 2014, the West imposed sanctions on Russia after it annexed Crimea, which made Moscow’s economic independence a priority. Finally, in 2017, Washington started a trade war with Beijing, which quickly spread to the technology sector. By banning the export of US semiconductor know-how to China, the United States has put its opponents on notice that their access to key technology could be cut off.

These three factors have encouraged the emergence of a new phenomenon: sanctions resistance. The power of the United States to impose sanctions on other countries is based on the strength of the US dollar and the reach of the US to monitor the international financial system. It stands to reason, then, that the enemies of the United States would seek financial incentives that undermine these US advantages. Increasingly, such countries have found themselves with currency exchange agreements, SWIFT alternatives, and digital currencies.

HARD CURRENCY

Warnings about the negative consequences of excessive use of sanctions are nothing new. In 1998, former U.S. president Bill Clinton lamented that the United States had become “sanctioned happiness.” He worried that the country “was in danger of looking like we want to punish everyone who opposes us. Read also : The United States Contributes $4.5 Billion to Support the Government of Ukraine.” At the time, these fears were heightened: the United States was still an unequaled economic power and sanctions were sometimes still an effective tool. For example, in the late 1990s they forced former Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi to hand over two suspected bombers and agree to the removal of his nuclear and chemical weapons. But since then, the pace of sanctions has increased dramatically, and US adversaries have responded by taking early steps to avoid potential sanctions.

Another way that countries have been sanctioned is the issue of currency exchange, which makes them able to exceed the US dollar. Currency-swap deals connect central banks directly to each other, eliminating the need to use third-party currencies to trade. China has quickly accepted this tool, signing currency exchange agreements with more than 60 countries, including Argentina, Pakistan, Russia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), worth approximately 500 billion dollars. . Beijing’s goal is clear: to enable Chinese firms to bypass US financial channels at will.

In 2020, for the first time, China settled more than half of its trade with Russia in a currency other than the US dollar, making the majority of these trade exchanges exempt from US sanctions. That Russia and China would develop payment systems using the renminbi and the ruble should not come as a surprise. In March 2020, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a political club that counts China, India, and Russia as members, prioritized the development of local currencies in an effort to circumvent the U.S. dollar and U.S. sanctions.

China’s growing desire to abandon the US dollar is understandable, given the state of relations between Washington and Beijing. However, US partners are also concluding currency exchange deals. In 2019, India bought S-400 air defense missiles from Russia. The $5 billion move should have prompted US sanctions. But India and Russia have revived a currency exchange agreement from the Soviet era. India bought Russian arms using a mixture of rubles and Indian rupees, thus avoiding US sanctions that would have been used to stop the sale.

Another way countries have shown themselves is by developing non-Western payment systems. As long as countries continue to use Western financial systems, especially SWIFT, they will not be immune from sanctions. Completely eliminating international access to SWIFT is the nuclear option in the US sanctions arsenal. It was used only once, against Iran. China and Russia are busy preparing alternative means of sending messages in case the West decides to cut them off.

China’s alternative, known as the Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS), is not yet identical to SWIFT. In 2021, CIPS processed just $12 billion in transactions, equivalent to what SWIFT processes in less than three days. In addition, CIPS focuses on payments issued in the renminbi, which represents less than 10 percent of global currency transactions. Finally, SWIFT is fully integrated into the international financial system, and financial institutions cannot abandon the system that works for innovation and politics.

But the very existence of CIPS is a victory for Moscow and Beijing: their goal is to have another way of working for SWIFT, not the main payment system. What is important for Russia and China is that approximately 1,300 banks in more than 100 countries have joined this system. If Russia and China were to be cut off from SWIFT, their backup is ready. Beijing may one day force firms that want to enter the Chinese market to use CIPS. By doing this, China would build its ability to cut off the country from the renminbi currency and from the Chinese economy, just as the United States can cut off the country from dollar payments and from the US economy.

A third tool being used by US adversaries to evade sanctions is digital currency. In that field, China leads the way. About 300 million Chinese already use digital renminbi in more than 20 cities, including Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen. This digital currency is issued by the central bank of China and stored on the mobile phones of Chinese citizens. The 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing was a testing ground for a new currency: at Olympic venues, payments had to be made with a Visa card or digital renminbi. The machine is growing fast: estimates say that one billion people will be using the digital currency by 2030.

The digital renminbi is a symbol of punishment. The United States has no way to restrict the use of real money issued by the central bank. This digital currency also comes with surveillance capabilities: Chinese security services can track digital assets to detect suspected activity (or operations of foreign intelligence officials on Chinese soil). China is betting again that digital renminbi will attract users around the world. In 2021, Beijing started a partnership with the UAE and Thailand to manage exports in the digital currency. Given that China is the world’s largest trading partner, more such agreements are likely to follow.

China’s central bank makes no secret of its desire for a digital renminbi to challenge the hegemony of the U.S. dollar. But the road ahead looks steep. The digital renminbi remains a small global phenomenon, although it is gaining traction. Also, China’s recent economic slowdown, as well as the lack of convertibility of the renminbi, is affecting the country’s attractiveness to investors. It looks less likely than ever that China will replace the United States as the world’s largest economy in the 2030s. Even so, many economists agree that in a few decades almost half of the world’s output will be produced in Asia. In this context, regional digital currency will be attractive.

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END OF THE ROAD?

Individually, currency swap agreements, alternative payment systems, and digital currencies would not be subject to U.S. sanctions. But together, these initiatives are increasingly giving countries the ability to conduct transactions through sanctions-proof channels. This process seems to be irreversible. There is no reason to believe that relations between Washington and Beijing or Washington and Moscow will improve anytime soon. The best-case scenario is that things get worse, prompting Beijing and Moscow to redouble their efforts to punish each other.

The rise of a fragmented financial landscape threatens both US diplomacy and national security. In addition to reducing the effectiveness of sanctions, the rise of sanctions-marked financial instruments means that the United States will become increasingly blind when it comes to detecting illegal international activity. To see also : China accuses the United States of military outer space. Tracking down money flows that contain suspicious assets or originate from specific countries is important in the fight against terrorism. Tracking the flow of money between actors known to facilitate nuclear proliferation also helps track the development of nuclear weapons.

All of this means that within a decade, U.S. sanctions will Multinational initiatives, supported by Japan, the United States, the countries of the European Union, and other like-minded powers, may be the best way forward. These sanctions are difficult to write, but even more difficult for targeted countries to avoid. Even China would not be able to lose access to the markets of Europe, the U.S., and Japan at the same time. In the most extreme case, the development of multilateral sanctions will encourage the establishment of an international system to improve the effectiveness of sanctions. Organizations like these address issues that require international cooperation, such as maritime law, the war on drugs, and refugee resettlement. Why not set one of the penalties?

Such an organization examines sanctions resistance with an eye toward reforming Western financial systems to address the challenges ahead. It would also study the impact of sanctions, with a particular focus on developing countries. China knows that the decision of developing countries to adhere to or leave the Western financial system will make or break its decision to undermine the US economy. An organization dedicated to these things may be the only antidote to sanctions.

The United States government imposes sanctions on certain organizations and key members of the Chinese government and the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), certain companies associated with the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), and other organizations accused by the US government of aiding and abetting. violation of human rights.

Secretary Antony J. Blinken at Press Availability - United States Department of State
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What is the most common sanction in the US?

Financial penalties are the most common form of punishment imposed by the criminal justice system throughout the United States. On the same subject : United Nations: what to expect from this week’s General Assembly.

What are examples of US sanctions? Sanctions imposed by the United States government include:

  • banning arms-related exports.
  • governs over dual-use technology exports.
  • restrictions on economic benefits.
  • Financial sanctions: require the United States to refuse loans from the World Bank and other financial institutions.

What is the most common type of economic sanction?

The most frequently used sanction by the UNSC listed in the database is the sanction against arms exports, which has been effective in 87% of all crimes and targeted non-state actors more often than governments.

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How much aid did the US give Russia in ww2?

Amounting to 11.3 billion dollars, or 180 billion dollars in today’s money, the Lend-Lease Act of the United States provided the necessary supplies to the Soviet Union from 1941 to 1945 in support of what Stalin described to Roosevelt as “a great and difficult fight against every enemy.” – Hitlerism sheds blood.”

How much did the US contribute to WW2? During the war, the United States entered into Lend-Lease agreements with more than 30 countries, providing $50 billion in aid.

What did the US give to Russia in ww2?

By the end of June 1944 the United States had sent to the Soviets under a lend-lease agreement more than 11,000 aircraft; over 6,000 tanks and tank destroyers; and 300,000 trucks and other military vehicles.

Does Russia owe us money for ww2?

At the end of World War II, the United States decided that Russia owed $2.6 billion in human resources that were still in use and cut off military supplies. But the United States asked Russia to pay only $1.3 billion.

What did US ban from China?

WASHINGTON — The United States is banning the sale of telecommunications equipment made by Chinese companies Huawei and ZTE and banning the use of some videos made in China, accusing it of an “unacceptable risk” for national security.

Why did the US ban buying cotton from Xinjiang? The ban, which is aimed at pressuring Beijing over the forced labor of the Uyghur Muslim minority in Xinjiang, puts the onus on importing companies to ensure that none of their goods are manufactured in the region. The blanket measure threatened to reset the US-China trade relationship.

Why did US ban chip sales to China?

As you may remember, Nvidia (NVDA) was hit hard two and a half months ago when the Biden administration banned the export of high-end American-made chips to China out of fear that they would be chosen for military use.

Why did the US ban Huawei?

Huawei Technologies store in Beijing, China. The Biden administration has blocked the approval of new wireless equipment from Huawei Technologies and China’s ZTE because it poses an “unacceptable risk” to US national security.

What chips are banned in China?

The ban on the export of Loongson processors based on the LoongArch architecture, which is seen as China’s answer to Intel and UK chip design company Arm, was imposed because the technology is used by China’s military-industrial complex, the newspaper reported.

Has America ever been sanctioned?

Some of the most famous economic sanctions in the history of the United States of America include The Boston Tea Party against the British Parliament, The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act against the United States of America’s trading partners and the steel tariff of 2002 against The People’s Republic of. Thursday.

Which country approved the US?

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