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During the Cold War, the United States and Japan focused on the threat posed by the Soviet Union, but with tensions rising around Taiwan, Tokyo turned south, adopting principles that former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe pushed before his death.

This week’s events are the latest in this trend, and Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s visit to Washington marks a significant change in the US-Japan alliance. For the first time in decades, Tokyo and Washington are seriously preparing for the possibility of a major conflict in the short term. As Japan’s new National Security Strategy warns: “The possibility cannot be ruled out that a serious situation may arise in the future in the Indo-Pacific region, especially in East Asia.” Yesterday, alliance leaders announced a number of defense posture changes, updated command relationships and new training arrangements. In short, the US-Japan alliance is shifting to a war footing.

It might seem obvious that Japan and the United States should prepare to fight a war in the Indo-Pacific region. After all, the allies face increasing challenges from three nuclear-armed adversaries: China, Russia and North Korea. Over the past decade, the United States and Japan have responded by slowly but deliberately strengthening military capabilities to end conflicts. But President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and General Secretary Xi Jinping’s growing pressure on Taiwan have reminded leaders in Tokyo and Washington that even carefully crafted deterrence efforts fail, and the consequences can be dire. A more robust set of responses in the face of new uncertainty has become necessary.

Japan is in a unique position to end the regional conflict. Tokyo commands the world’s third-largest economy, has gradually increased defense spending in recent years, and has taken major steps to modernize its alliance with the United States under Abe’s leadership. Japan is also home to more US troops than any other country in the world. And Japanese leaders stepped up their contributions on a wide range of issues, from punishing Russia’s aggression in Ukraine to helping Kyiv cooperate on semiconductor supply chains and supporting the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific economic framework.

Experts have rightly noted that this is not a revolutionary rejection of pacifism, but rather a more modest set of evolutionary changes in Japanese security policy. In fact, the main elements of Abe’s transformation agenda were not fulfilled at the time of his assassination last year. But many of the limits imposed by Japan’s pacifist constitution and history are now being relaxed or adjusted. Japan’s increased defense spending and adoption of counter-strike capabilities are just two examples of the shift occurring under Kishida’s leadership.

In fact, Japan’s preparation for the conflict has so far lagged behind that of America’s other top allies. South Korea and the United States have a combined command and experience together in responding to frequent provocations from North Korea. Australia has fought alongside America in every major conflict of the last century. And the NATO allies are on the verge of war; fought together in Afghanistan; and were active in the Balkan conflicts after the end of the Cold War. The US-Japan alliance, in comparison, has caught on a bit when it comes to being fully prepared for a large contingent.

This week thus marks the beginning of a major – and remarkably rapid – shift in Japan’s approach. Some of the details have already been revealed by the Security Consultative Committee, the bilateral meeting of the Defense and Foreign Ministers/Secretaries, commonly known as the 2+2 meeting. This announcement indicates that three major transformations are underway simultaneously: 1) a defense spending cut in Tokyo, 2) reimagined command relationships, and 3) significant posture and capability changes. Each is important on its own, but together they represent a wholesale change in the US-Japan alliance’s approach to deterrence and warfighting.

First, Japan increases its defense spending and builds the military bases required by modern warfare. For decades, Japan’s defense spending has been stuck at or below 1 percent of its gross domestic product. Now, Kishida is looking to nearly double defense spending to 2 percent over five years. If it is fully implemented, this would make Japan the ninth-largest defense spender to the third-largest, after only the United States and China.

Of course, there are real challenges to increasing defense spending. The Japanese public must be convinced to pay more taxes, and the details are still being discussed in the Diet. Furthermore, new skills cannot be acquired overnight. As the US is learning in Ukraine, stockpiles can only be replenished slowly because of the limited industrial capacity for many key weapons systems. New missiles, such as Tomahawks or an upgraded version of Japan’s indigenous Type 12 surface-to-ship missile, will take years to deliver. This will therefore require close cooperation not only between governments, but also allied defense industries.

Second, the United States and Japan are both updating their command-and-control arrangements. Tokyo has announced that it will create a permanent joint headquarters in Japan to command the Japanese Self-Defense Forces during a crisis. If fully implemented, this would give Japan its own version of a combat command and simplify its coordination with US forces in a large contingent. Meanwhile, the US Congress required the establishment of a new joint force headquarters in the Indo-Pacific to do the same for American military forces.

These changes will of course take time. But once in place, they will provide the US-Japan alliance with the beginnings of an architecture needed for wartime command and control. Unlike NATO or the US-South Korea military alliance, Washington and Tokyo have never had a truly combined command structure. This was evident during Operation Tomodachi in 2011, when the Allies initially struggled to respond to the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami. Establishing a joint headquarters should be a first step, ultimately towards a joint and combined command capable of allied wartime command and control, even in the most stressful scenarios.

Third, the Allies are adjusting their military posture by shifting more capabilities to Japan’s Southwest Islands, a critical geographic region that stretches south from mainland Japan to just 100 miles off the coast of Taiwan. During the Cold War, Japan focused more on the Soviet Union in the north, before turning primarily to North Korea in the east during the post-Cold War period. As a result, China had not been a top priority in the South until the last decade. Today, the prospects of a serious conflict over Taiwan are growing, forcing the Allies to fundamentally change their approach. With this in mind, the Allies are announcing a major step: the creation of a US Marine Littoral Regiment in Okinawa, which will be operational by 2025.

This unit will be capable of conducting sea denial operations, as it includes both an infantry battalion and an anti-ship missile battery armed with the Marine Corps medium-range NMESIS launcher. Such a unit would likely operate from Okinawa, but also be present around Ishigaki, Yonaguni, and Miyako to provide new capabilities near the Taiwan Strait. The US military will also play a role by relocating watercraft to enable a variety of operations in and around Japan. There is also the possibility of increased training and exercises of the allied forces in the southwestern islands of Japan. All these steps will send a clear signal to China that Washington and Tokyo routinely upgrade their alliance for an emergency, including one in the waters around Taiwan.

These steps appear to be the beginning, not the end, of a series of initiatives to strengthen deterrence by improving US-Japan posture and capabilities. Expected announcements about efforts with the Philippines, Australia, and others keep the promise of what Assistant Secretary of Defense Ely Ratner called “the biggest year for posture in a generation.” Much more work is being done to implement these reforms, but this is remarkable progress and deserves to be commended.

This broader regional framework reinforces the point that changes in the US-Japan alliance do not occur in a vacuum. South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and others are tightening ties with the United States in response to China’s more assertive behavior. These efforts must be closely coordinated to reinforce each other. But there are real opportunities for third parties to be included in this new approach, as is happening with Japan and the United States conducting training in northern Australia.

If Japan can boost its defense spending, modernize its command-and-control arrangements and upgrade its defense posture, that would set Tokyo on a major new path. Washington should welcome Kishida’s bold vision and robust contribution to regional security. Japan’s transition from pacifism to regional protection is not yet complete, but there is no denying that it is well underway.

Zack Cooper is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a partner at Armitage International. He hosts the Net Assessment podcast for War on the Rocks and previously served in various roles at the Pentagon and White House.

Eric Sayers is a nonresident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a managing director at Beacon Global Strategies. He was previously a special assistant to the commander of the Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM).

Image: US Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Javier Reyes

Who controlled the Japanese government in 1930s?

(1) Internally, the Minsei Party government (July 1929-April 1931, with Prime Minister Osachi Hamaguchi, Finance Minister Junnosuke Inoue, and Foreign Minister Kijuro Shidehara) deliberately adopted a deflationary policy to eliminate weak banks and corporations and prepare the nation for the return to pre-war…

Who controlled the Japanese government? The government operates under the framework established by the Constitution of Japan, adopted in 1947. See the article : United States African Leadership. It is a unitary state containing twenty-seven administrative divisions, with the Emperor as head of state.

Who took control of the Japanese government in 1931?

In 1931, â military took control of the Japanese government. Expansionist leaders in Japan’s military argued that a large empire was the only way to help the economy.

What was the Japanese government during 1930s?

During the 1930s, Japan moved into political totalitarianism, ultranationalism, and fascism, culminating in its invasion of China in 1937. To see also : A day to remember.

Who took control of Japan in the 1930s?

Puppet states in China The Japanese army took control in 1931, and in 1932 set up a puppet state of Manchukuo for the 34,000,000 inhabitants. On the same subject : The US calls on Russia to immediately release the imprisoned opposition leader Navalny. Other areas were added, and over 800,000 Japanese moved in as administrators.

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When did Japan become peaceful?

With a peace treaty signed in 1951, Japan regains its independence. The late 1950s to the early 1970s are called the “High Growth Age” in Japan because of the booming economy. Highlights of the era are the Tokyo Olympics in 1964 and Expo ’70 in Osaka. In 1972, relations with China were normalized.

How many years of peace did Japan have without war? After 75 years of peace in Japan, war problems remain unresolved | The Japan Times.

How did Japan become peaceful?

Cooperation with free and democratic nations. After restoring sovereignty as an independent nation, Japan concluded the Japan-US Security Treaty with the United States, which Japan had fought against during World War II. The two countries then formed an alliance with the Japan-US security arrangements at its core.

When did Japan have peace?

The San Francisco Peace Treaty, signed on September 8, 1951 by 48 nations, officially ended Japan’s position as an imperial power, compensated those who had suffered in Japan during World War II, and ended the Allied postwar occupation of Japan completed. .

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How did Japan feel after ww2?

Japan was a devastated country at the time of its surrender in August 1945. More than 2.5 million Japanese, including more than 500,000 civilians, had perished since Pearl Harbor. Large parts of Tokyo and many other cities had been burned to ashes. One third of the nation’s wealth had been destroyed.

How did Japan become peaceful after WW2? Cooperation with free and democratic nations. After restoring sovereignty as an independent nation, Japan concluded the Japan-US Security Treaty with the United States, which Japan had fought against during World War II. The two countries then formed an alliance with the Japan-US security arrangements at its core.

How were the Japanese treated after WW2?

After the Pearl Harbor attack, however, a wave of anti-Japanese suspicion and fear led the Roosevelt administration to adopt a drastic policy towards these residents, foreigners and citizens. Almost all Japanese Americans were forced to leave their homes and property and live in camps for most of the war.

Do Japanese feel sorry for WW2?

July 6, 1992. Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato said: “The government would like to again express its sincere apologies and regrets to all those who suffered indescribable hardships as so-called ‘wartime comfort women,’ regardless of their nationality or place of birth .

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