The U.S. Supreme Court has issued a ruling overturning Roe v. Wade, 1973 case that allowed access to abortion. Abolishing the constitutional right to abortion will ban half of the United States. While this decision is widely expected, it is nevertheless a disaster for supporters of abortion rights. Since the draft opinion was leaked in May, thousands of people in communities across the United States have marched in protest. Among the songs and signs was a new symbol: the green handkerchief. Of Argentine origin, green bandanas have become ubiquitous among reproductive rights activists throughout Latin America.
Handkerchiefs are a reminder that while the United States has repealed the 49 – year – old ruling that made abortion legal at the federal level, parts of Latin America are moving in the opposite direction. Just five years ago, 97 percent of women in Latin America and the Caribbean lived in countries where abortion was illegal or severely restricted (the only exceptions being Cuba, Guyana, Uruguay, and the federal district of City Mexico). The region had some of the worst bans on abortion in the region – policies that continue in the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Suriname.
However, in the last two years, the three most populous Spanish – speaking countries in Latin America have rapidly decriminalized abortion — first Argentina, then Mexico, and most recently Colombia. Other countries are on the verge of dramatic changes, too. Until recently, abortion was banned in Chile in all cases, due to a law initiated by dictator General Augusto Pinochet in 1989 on leaving office. In 2017, some narrow exceptions were introduced for reform. Now Chile can make world history. A draft of the country’s new constitution includes an article covering abortion rights — which seems to be the clearest protection of any such constitution in the world.
These remarkable steps reflect the many years of struggle. Hostile political environments and the ambiguous state of reproductive rights in the region forced Latin American activists to organize cross-border, establish strategic alliances within their own countries, and explore ways to expand safe access to abortion on the fringes of the region. law. Against the seemingly long contracts, their efforts eventually became decriminalized. As the United States faces a reversal of rights where it is considered impossible to contact them, it is worth reflecting on the lessons that Latin American feminists may have learned. Even in the face of hostile politics, a movement that brings together a diverse range of social groups involved in abortion rights can ultimately bring about change.
THE EMERGENCE OF A MOVEMENT
Latin America has a long history of women’s rights activism. In 1981, more than 200 women from across the region gathered in Bogotá, Colombia, at the first Encuentro Feminista Latinoamericano y del Caribe. Held every two or three years, the meetings served as a springboard for a new wave of feminist activism in the region. This may interest you : 5 Ways Title IX Transformed School Sports (and More). The Encuentros, as they were called, created a space for activists and organizers to discuss issues, share experiences, and work through ideological and organizational conflicts. In sometimes heated debates and intense nightly sessions, participants in the Encuentros devised a strategy of debate, generated secrets, and found friendship and solidarity. These exchanges have shaped feminist agendas within individual countries and established networks across them.
It seemed to be more of a time for women’s rights. Across the hemisphere, democracy was under attack and military governments and death squads inflicted dirty wars on civil society. At a time when political dissidents in many countries were being exiled or murdered, there was little room for social organization of any kind, much less with the aim of progressive change.
The terrible political circumstances shaped the feminist approach. Instead of treating their cause as a separate issue, activists pushed an end to dictatorial regimes and argued that women’s rights were inseparable from the wider struggle for human rights, justice and democracy. In this view, authoritarian states are the ultimate patriarchy, so such societies must work to achieve “democracy in the nation and at home” in the formulation popularized by Chilean feminist Julieta Kirkwood. Feminists have worked with popular and human rights movements, Black and Indigenous organizations, and trade unions, influencing and in turn influencing the ideas and strategies of these movements.
In highly unequal societies, Latin Americans were forced to contend with class and racial differences. In the early years of the twentieth century, socialist feminists and anarchists put working women and their interests at the heart of the debate on women’s rights. Later, in the 1970s and 1980s, feminists struggled within feather parties and organizations, where gender and reproductive rights were often dismissed as imperialist diversions from the real issue: class struggle. To combat this resistance, feminists focused on introducing gender into class discussions. At the Encuentros, tensions arose between middle-class educated women who identified themselves as feminists and poor members and the working class of women’s community organizations. Black and indigenous women argued for representation and the introduction of race and ethnicity into class and gender conversations. Politics may be controversial, but these conflicts have led to stronger and more inclusive Latin American feminist movements.
Early Encuentros accepted reproductive rights, but the fifth meeting, held in San Bernardo, Argentina, in 1990, was a recurring point. Latin America had the highest rates of unsafe abortion in the world – resulting in high maternal mortality rates. . A resolution by the Encuentro affirmed “involuntary motherhood. . . form of slavery ”and 28 September was designated the Day of Abortion Rights for Women in Latin America and the Caribbean. (The date of the passing of the Brazilian Law of Free Gains, 1871, was announced when children born to women were declared free slaves.) Participants established a regional campaign for the right to abortion with coordination among organizations different in each country. By 2011, that regional network had disappeared globally; today, September 28th is recognized as International Safe Abortion Day.
THE POLITICAL TIDE SHIFTS
It is this historical genealogy that indelibly shapes today’s movement. Latin American activists are accustomed to the right to invent abortions as a human right and an essential element of full citizenship. They emphasize the links of restrictions on freedom of reproduction to inequality across class, race and sexuality. To see also : Latinos unite against the United States. And they link the issue to other forms of oppression, including domestic and gender-based violence and sexuality, femicide, and harassment. So their calls for abortion rights are often linked to other social justice causes.
In Argentina, for example, activists demanded that abortion be not only legal and safe but also free, recognizing the disproportionate impact of abortion restrictions on the poor. Fulfilling their demand: the law passed in 2020 to make abortion legal makes the procedure free. It also protects the right of access to contraception and sex education as part of a comprehensive approach to sexual and reproductive health. And it recognizes the right to access care by “women and people of other gender identities who are able to behave,” including transgender men and strange and non-bisexual people, in part in recognition of their roles LGBTQs and transgender activists were key players in abortion. rights movement.
The broad framework of abortion rights helped to encourage mass movement. The organization of your reproductive rights in Argentina has begun with a few persistent activists; Today, about 700 groups are involved in the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, established in 2005. This multi-generational coalition includes feminist and women’s organizations as well as groups human rights, high school and college student organizations. , trade unions, academic institutions, political parties, and religious communities. The main strategy of the campaign was to introduce repeated bills that would justify abortion. In 2018, a million people marched on the streets of Buenos Aires to put pressure on him when legislators, for the first time, passed an abortion bill for debate. Although the law was not passed, the protests showed that opposing abortion was now a political liability. And first of all, candidates in the 2019 presidential election had to take a stand on the issue.
During the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, with the recently elected Argentine President Alberto Fernández openly in favor of legalization, the movement continued to push through media, social media, political lobbying and street mobilization. Finally, in December 2020, the Argentine Senate voted to make abortion legal until the 14th week of pregnancy.
Emphasizing the unequal burden of crime was a powerful political strategy in Colombia. A movement called Causa Justa – a coalition of women’s groups, feminist organizations, healthcare providers, and researchers – undertook social change through the courts. In 2022, the strategy paid off. A Colombian constitutional court, ruling on a case filed by Causa Justa, carried out a decontaminated abortion. His decision highlighted the fact that women who are particularly vulnerable – because of their status as a migrant, for example – are the women most likely to be prosecuted for abortion and to have the worst health outcomes from unsafe procedures. In other words, in the court’s opinion, their abolition led to the unfair consequences of abortion restrictions.
Since 2015, a broad political coalition for abortion rights has also emerged in Chile, with the Mesa Acción por el Aborto en Chile, a coalition of women, feminist and human rights groups. Feminists were at the heart of the social estallido (social region), a series of massive protests that took place across the country beginning in October 2019. After months of social unrest, the demonstrations underwent a significant institutional change. Chile voted overwhelmingly for a new constitution — and for the convention tasked with rewriting it to include an equal number of male and female delegates. According to one study, 57 per cent of the 155 delegates elected to the constitutional convention took one or more positions identified by investigators as “feminist”. Finally, delegates presented a draft constitution which includes a clause guaranteeing that the state “provide for the conditions for pregnancy, voluntary termination of pregnancy, childbirth and voluntary and protected motherhood”. Chile will vote on the new constitution in September.
Protest in Seattle, Washington, May 2022
Lindsey Wasson / Reuters
Protest in Seattle, Washington, May 2022
These successful political years lie ahead, and one step forward is energizing activists across the region. But Latin American feminists did not focus entirely on legal change. Another crucial aspect of community activism in recent years has been the development of escort (peer) networks. Operating in at least 15 countries, Acompañantes helps women with self-managed abortions using misoprostol, a drug originally prescribed to treat ulcers but which can also be used to terminate a pregnancy. The assemblies provide information and emotional support throughout the process.
In the short term, escort networks have extended access to safe abortion in countries where the procedure is illegal. (The World Health Organization has declared that self-managed, medication-based abortion is safe and effective.) In the long run, ejaculation is also a powerful political strategy. The networks help de-stigmatize abortion by changing the procedure from a secret, lonely and shameful act to an experience of women in solidarity with each other. Indeed, activism on reproductive rights in Latin America has long pursued not only legal decriminalization but also social decriminalization – shaping cultural perceptions in an attempt to normalize abortion.
THE STRUGGLE AHEAD
In Mexico, as in Argentina and Colombia, Acompañantes continued their work even after the decontamination of abortion. Autonomous women often prefer self-managed abortions and caring of peers over exotic contacts with medical systems. On the same subject : Sports betting in Florida: Has it been legalized, how to bet online, where to get picks, new promos. Many activists also view the networks as a hedge against the possibility of future governments restricting access to abortion — removing funding, for example — even if they do not object directly to the law.
There is a significant difference between the abortion rights movement in the United States and its Latin American counterparts. Mainstream groups in favor of US choice create abortion in relatively narrow terms: politically, in terms of an individual ‘s right to physical independence and choice, and legally, in terms of an individual’s right to privacy. At key times, the legality of the privileged takes precedence over accessibility for all. Just three years after Roe v. Wade, passed the Hyde Reform Conference, which banned Medicaid federal funding for abortion. For many low-income women — who are also disproportionately colored women — effective access to the constitutional right to abortion. Activists failed to successfully mobilize against the law or against the ensuing further restrictive defeat.
But outside of the mainstream movement in favor of US choice there are groups that are more closely related to the activity that exists elsewhere in the hemisphere. In 1994, an organization of black women known as Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice coined the term “reproductive justice,” which mentions abortion within the frameworks of social justice and human rights. Reproductive justice is defined as “the right of the person to maintain personal personal autonomy, to have children, to have no children, and to have the children of a parent in safe and sustainable communities” —a definition which emphasizes access, not just choice, and framing the fight for. Legal abortion is part of a much larger struggle for reproductive independence, access, and well – being, especially for poor and handsome women. This is a strategy that opens the door to collaboration among organizations working across a wide range of social and economic issues.
In the post-Roe United States, activists will have to build the kind of solid foundation for abortion rights that has enabled their Latin American peers to achieve political change. They need to mobilize various movements and social organizations. And they need to strengthen alliances across borders. Regional solidarity has seemed to be a concern for the past half-century, when the United States alone enshrined abortion rights in the criminal hemisphere. But now international cooperation could be crucial for access to abortion. Mexican colleagues have already started organizing to bring women seeking abortions in the United States south to Mexico — and to distribute advice and pills in the north.
Latin American activists can give an exciting perspective to their US-born counterparts from the struggle. During the criminal years, they worked hard to eradicate abortion and to gather support for their campaigns, knowing that it could take years to achieve legal victory. But innovation also came from the gloomy political landscape. Increased safe access to abortion through partners emerged as the reform pathways seemed closed.
Meanwhile, historical experiences of murder authority have inspired the difficult lesson that rights can be taken when given. As is now painfully apparent to abortion rights supporters in the United States, faith in their country as a sign of democracy and progress has created a dangerous boom. To prevent Roe’s obsolescence from becoming permanent, they must be seeking inspiration abroad on how to regain rights that many in the United States have taken for granted.
Is abortion illegal in Ohio?
Abortion in Pennsylvania is legal up to the 24th week of pregnancy. 51% of Pennsylvania adults in a poll conducted by the Pew Research Center said abortion should be legal in all or most cases. The number of abortion clinics in Pennsylvania has declined over the years, with 114 in 1982, 81 in 1992 and twenty in 2014.
Abortion is legal in Ohio until 20 weeks after fertilization, which is about 22 weeks after the first day of a woman’s normal last menstrual period, except in the Lebanese city of Ohio, where all stages of pregnancy are aborted prohibited by local. ordanás.
How much is abortion in Ohio?
How Long can You Have to Get an Abortion in Ohio? In Ohio, medical abortion, performed using the abortion pill, can take up to ten weeks of gestation. This simply means that a woman cannot choose this method for more than 10 weeks, or 70 days, from the first day of her last menstrual period.
Is abortion legal in Louisiana?
Generally, an abortion costs between $ 500 and $ 1,000. Schedule an appointment to learn more about abortion and the services we provide.
Abortion in Louisiana is illegal only to save the mother ‘s life. The penalties include up to 10 years in prison and a maximum fine of $ 100,000.
What state is legal for abortion?
Can You Get an Abortion in Louisiana? Yes. In Louisiana, state law requires that unmarried teens (under the age of 18) be given written consent by the parent or legal guardian to have an abortion.
Does Planned Parenthood in Louisiana do abortions?
Alaska. As long as the procedure is performed by a licensed physician, abortion is legal in Alaska.
Is abortion legal in Japan?
This health center does not provide abortion services – but we can help. Call us for a referral list of healthcare providers in your area that offer abortion services.
Abortion is allowed in Japan under limited circumstances, including endangering the health of a pregnant woman or endangering economic hardship. Chapter XXIX of the Japanese Penal Code makes abortion de jure illegal in the country, but exceptions to the law are wide enough that it is widely accepted and practiced.
Is the pill legal in Japan?
In which country is abortion legal? Other countries soon followed, including Canada (1969), the United States (1973 in most states, pursuant to Roe v. Wade “a U.S. Supreme Court decision that legitimized abortion nationwide) , Tunisia and Denmark (1973), Austria (1974), France and Sweden (1975), New Zealand (1977), Italy (1978), the Netherlands (1984), …
Is abortion pills legal in Japan?
The unusual popularity of the condom is explained, in part, by the unavailability of oral contraceptives (OCs); The pill is illegal in Japan due to government concerns about its side effects.
What is the abortion law in Japan?
It is a legal surgical procedure for patients with economic and social reasons. Japanese law requires a written consent form from the patient and their partner. Pregnancy termination medication (“Abortion Pill”) is not available in Japan.
What are the abortion laws in Oregon?
Abortion in Japan is available under the terms of the Maternal Protection Law, and up to 21 weeks and 6 days of pregnancy (in other words, within 21 weeks and 6 days after the start of the last menstrual period). After 22 weeks, abortion is not possible in Japan unless it is medically necessary.
Abortion in Oregon is legal at all stages of pregnancy. The number of abortion clinics in Oregon has decreased over the years, from sixty in 1982, forty in 1992, and fifteen in 2014. There were 8,231 legal abortions in 2014, and 8,610 in 2015.
Can you get an abortion at 15 in Oregon?
Can you get an abortion pill in Oregon? Availability: The abortion pill (also known as medication abortion) is offered up to 11 weeks after the start of your last menstrual period. If your last period was more than 11 weeks ago, read about our in – house abortion services below. Abortion pad (abortion medication) services are available by appointment only.
How much is abortion in Oregon?
In Oregon, patients under the age of 15 must have parental consent for abortion services. In Washington, parental consent is not required at any age. If you are under 18 and need help talking to your parents or looking for a judicial bypass we can help.
Is abortion free in Oregon?
If you do not have health insurance or private health insurance, the out-of-pocket cost for abortion services is $ 550.